[3]Altamiranda, for example, notes that Borges' "female
characters are despised and denigrated figures, objects or goods that men can
use, associated with danger or destruction" (77). Magnarelli, too, finds that
"unlike much of Latin-American fiction, Borges' prose does not portray the
woman in terms of fecundity, nature, nor birth. There are no maternal figures
in his stories... Instead, rather than a life-giving principle, women are
depicted in Borges in relation to death, violence, and often sacrifice"
(142).
[4]It must be noted that a male character's sexual "object
choice" of a female does not determine, beyond doubt, that the male
character is, by definition, exclusively and permanently heterosexual. The
issue of object choice as a determinant of sexual orientation is a concept that
has never been applicable to Hispanic culture.
[5]Here I am using Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick's formulation of
the "potential unbrokenness of a continuum between homosocial and homosexual"
(1) as a means to describe the range of responses between men in Borges' works.
On one side of the scale are the non-sexual behaviors of male-bonding
activities, while on the other are the eroticized linkages between men
involving sexual contact.
[6]Sedgwick keenly observes that there are "important
correspondences and similarities between the most sanctioned forms of
male-homosocial bonding, and the most reprobated expressions of male homosexual
sociality. To put it in twentieth-century terms, the fact that what goes on at
football games, in fraternities, at the Bohemian Grove, and at climactic
moments in war novels can look, with only a slight shift of optic, quite
startlingly `homosexual,' is not most importantly an expression of the psychic
origin of these institutions in a repressed or sublimated homosexual
genitality. Instead, it is the coming to visibility of the normally implicit
terms of a coercive double bind. [...] For a man to be a man's man is
separated only by an invisible, carefully blurred, always-already-crossed line
from being `interested in men'" (89).
[7]It is instructive to note that Lima's next sentence
reads, "Neither bestiality nor forms of homosexuality are visible in his
published works to date; indeed, he has chosen to avoid altogether what
society currently terms deviate sexual behavior, regardless of caste" (417). I
find it deplorable and irresponsible that the critic dares to couple bestiality
with homosexuality under the general rubric of "deviate sexual behavior," as if
the two were equivalent or even linked in any way.
[8]Reference to the stories will be noted in the text by the
abbreviated title of the volume in which they appear (Aleph for "El
muerto" and Brodie for "La intrusa") followed by the page number.
[9]I have developed this argument more fully in my study,
"The Mark of the Phallus: Homoerotic Desire in Borges' `La forma de la
espada'."
[10]It has been noted that violence leading to death is an
all too common behavior between men in Borges' stories. The view that this
violence may be the result of (homo)erotic desire is hinted at in Ariel
Dorfman's exceptional 1968 essay: in exploring why violent death is linked to
the revelation that gives meaning to human existence, Dorfman concludes that
"[t]he desire for death is not grounded in the needs of metaphysical revelation
in Borges: If the character desires that moment it is because in it he finds
his own tearing apart, his other, the one who must kill him or make him die,
the double who is both feared and loved, that being who is found deep inside
each one of us, ready to destroy or be destroyed" (34). Balderston makes the
connection explicit: "homoeroticism is coded in violent contact between men,
particularly in the important leitmotiv of the knife fight" (39).
[11]Rivero notes, too, that the woman is not valued for her
womanliness: "No tiene nombre ni voz. El sustantivo mujer la nombra y
los epítetos la describen, destacando de su fría displicencia un
solo rasgo vital y agresivo: el color fulgurante del cabello... [...] Esa
mujer, al igual que el apero y el colorado, es uno de los símbolos del
poder del jefe, cuyas posesiones son deseadas por Otálora, no por lo que
son en sí sino por lo que representan como afirmación de una
superioridad" (175-76).
[12]Although most criticism on "El muerto" rightly
emphasizes the significance of the horse and woman, critics have completely
passed over another highly valued and meaningful possession that Otálora
also desires: Bandeira's bodyguard, Suárez. Otálora realizes
that in order to make his plan of coinciding with Bandeira work, he must win
the friendship of Suárez and shortly before he takes possession of the
horse, saddle and mistress, the narrator states that Otálora "[l]ogra,
en jornadas de peligro común, la amistad de Suárez. Le
confía su plan; Suárez le promete su ayuda" (Aleph 48).
Suárez, by giving his support, in Otálora's mind, becomes his
possession in the sense that Suárez has switched his allegiance and
loyalty from Bandeira to Otálora. Perhaps because heteropatriarchal
tradition makes it difficult for critics to view one male as a possession of
another male, or perhaps because the implications for such a vision are too
"unsavory," Otálora's desire to win Suárez has been
overlooked.
[13]Borges' own characterization of male-male sex as an
"inimaginable contacto" is carefully and insightfully examined by Balderston to
show that through an exacting and systematic suppression of any reference to
homosexuality, Borges betrays his own fascination for the topic and proves that
homosexual contact was perhaps too powerfully imaginable to the author.
[14]Borges' views on homosexuality, as Canto, Balderston
and Altamiranda show, were conflicted and intense. Canto, for example, notes
that "Borges, que veía con diversión y hasta simpatía la
homosexualidad feminina, nunca hacía alusión a la masculina, ni
siquiera para denigrarla. La ignoraba en sus amigos o la ponía a un
lado cuando tropezaba con ella en la literatura. (En Melville, por ejemplo,
negándose a ver el siniestro fondo homosexual de Billy Budd)."
She goes on to explain that Borges' attitudes about male homosexual intercourse
are clearly indicated by his use of the word "sodomy" because the
"designación bíblica--sodomía--... implicaba la
desaprobación divina, con su relente medieval de azufre y hogueras"
(170-71).
[15]It is a commonly held heteropatriarchal belief,
especially in Hispanic societies, that men who are penetrated by other men must
be feminine, and therefore weak and inferior. Brandes, for example, has
analyzed this concept in southern Spain and notes that the most vulnerable and,
therefore, feminine area on a man is his anus because it can be penetrated by
another man: "[t]he anus can be used in homosexual encounters, in which case
the passive partner is perceived as playing the feminine role, and indeed of
being converted symbolically into a woman" (232-233). This attitude, so
prevalent in Hispanic societies, clearly demonstrates the intimate link between
misogyny and homophobia.
[16]I believe that Magnarelli is mistaken when she asserts
that "Otálora is killed in El muerto along with the woman who
represents the power he tried to usurp. It is not irrelevant that the other
two symbols of that power--the horse and the tiger skin--are not destroyed. It
is only the woman who must die" (142). First of all, there is no direct
textual evidence that the mistress is killed along with Otálora: the
narrator simply states that "Suárez, casi con desdén, hace fuego"
(Aleph 50). If the woman represents Bandeira's power as Magnarelli
claims, it is unlikely that she would be an object of Bandeira's revenge
against Otálora. Furthermore, once Suárez informs Bandeira of
Otálora's plan to replace him, it is Bandeira who permits his
mistress to have sex with Otálora, and therefore, no revenge against her
would be necessary.
[17]In her intriguing book, Borges a contraluz
(1989), Canto explains her ideas on Borges' relationship with women and sex
based on her first-hand experience as the object of Borges' obsessional desire.
On sex, she notes that "[l]a actitud de Borges hacia el sexo era de terror
pánico, como si temiera la revelación que en él
podía hallar. Sin embargo, toda su vida fue una lucha por alcanzar esa
revelación" (17). Canto confirms, in part, the infamous rumor--repeated
in Rodríguez Monegal's 1978 biography--that had circulated for years
concerning Borges' psychoanalytic treatment in the 1940s for impotence. Canto
states that Borges' psychiatrist, a Dr. Cohen-Miller, told her that while
Borges was not physically impotent, he was the "víctima de una exagerada
sensibilidad, un temor al sexo y un sentimiento de culpa" and that all of this
was due to a scarring sexual trauma that Borges had suffered in Geneva when he
was about nineteen years old. At that age, according to tradition, no
Argentine boy should still have been a virgin and to remedy the situation,
Borges' father decided to take care of the problem by setting up an encounter
with a prostitute for his son. Canto explains that "[t]al vez el fantasma de
la homosexualidad cruzó por su mente, llenándolo de
pánico, impidiéndole comprender que lo que estaba planeando en
ese momento estaba más cerca de la homo que de la heterosexualidad. Era
un gesto para los hombres, una demostración ante ellos de que uno
pertenecía al clan de los varones. No era un gesto para acercarse a las
mujeres, sino un acatamiento del mundo masculino y sus exigencias" (114-15).
According to Canto, the trauma was related to the belief that the young Jorge
Luis Borges would be "sharing" a prostitute who had already had sex with his
own father (116). As a result of the incestuous implications of this
arrangement, Borges was unable to perform sexually and was, in the process,
permanently scarred because of his failure "as a man." The grotesque rite
which, as Canto suggests, has little to do with heterosexual initiation and
more to do with discovering whether or not a boy is a homosexual, combined with
Borges' inability to function sexually with the prostitute in order to "prove
his manhood," may have cast lingering doubts in Borges' own mind regarding his
own sexual orientation.
[18]Borges' reaction to Carlos Christensen's 1981 film
version of the story is fascinating. According to Silvestri, "Borges se
indignó porque la película presentaba a los hermanos Nilsen como
homosexuales y casi inmediatamente dictó un artículo que
tituló La censura donde `a pesar de pronunciarse en contra de esa
arbitrariedad tan usual de los gobiernos totalitarios, la aprobaba en el caso
específico de la película basada en su cuento'." Silvestri goes
on to state that "[l]a indignación de Borges--que siempre ha acogido las
interpretaciones de su obra con irónica distanciación--prueba que
la película ha dado en el blanco con el núcleo del inconsciente
censurado" (57). In a very odd move, however, Silvestri concludes that the
censured unconscious content is not homosexuality; in her view, the
story depicts an oedipal drama of the murder of his mother (represented by
Juliana) by the double representation of his "tyrant-father" (the Nilsen
brothers). Although Silvestri does not make clear the connection between this
oedipal drama and Borges' outrage at the homosexual characterization of the
brothers in the film, she implies that the homosexuality of the characters
diluted Borges' guilt-ridden image of his powerful and detested father.
[19]Canto goes on to express her own extraordinary theory
about the story. According to her, the story is, in fact, a description of
the relationship between Jorge Luis Borges and his mother, doña Leonor
Acevedo de Borges, and as such, at least in Borges' mind, there could not
possibly be any homosexual content. "Los amigos que conocieron
íntimamente a Borges solían comentar la relación que
él tenía con su madre, una relación agobiante que los
analistas calificarían de `castratoria'. Lo que nos revela La
intrusa es la índole de esa relación, que tiene todo
el carácter de una relación `viril'. Por eso él no
sintió en ningún momento que pudiera haber homosexualidad en ese
cuento. Los dos rufianes del relato expresan la forma en que el subconsciente
de Borges sentía la relación con su madre. No era una
relación tierna. Era una relación parecida a un pacto de sangre
entre hombres, basado en códigos secretos y ni siquiera bien entendidos
por las partes. No era relación razonable: era un mandato" (231).
[20]I am surprised that critics have not commented on the
name of the woman in this story, especially considering that Borges' use of
symbolic names is so well documented. "Juliana," repeats the initial
consonants of "Jorge Luis" and is coupled with "Burgos," the Castillian version
of the Portuguese "Borges." It appears, then, that the author is using his own
name, in a slightly altered form, for the communal woman in this story. But
why would Borges make such a direct link between himself and the woman who is
the intermediary between two men? Perhaps Borges is suggesting that, like
Juliana Burgos, he himself was once the powerless object of male sexual
aggression and violence and for that reason, the relationship between men in
his fiction is almost always a violent one. As horrifying as this hypothesis
may sound, Balderston finds support for it in his reading of Canto when she
insinuates that "as a boy Borges must have suffered some sort of rape" (43).
[21]Stabb finds that the apparent "fraternal conciliation" at the end of the story is betrayed by the Cain and Abel relationship between the brothers and that this context casts a sinister shadow on the "true circumstances surrounding the older brother's death" (86). Although he does not expand on this thesis, Stabb views the story primarily as a tale of fraternal jealousy and rivalry that leads to fratricide. Unfortunately, Stabb ignores the fact that the narrator makes it explicit that because of their love for each other, the two always turn their anger away from each other and onto others: "Caín andaba por ahí, pero el cariño entre los Nilsen era muy grande... y prefirieron desahogar su exasperación con ajenos. Con un desconocido, con los perros, con la Juliana..." (Brodie 22).
Keller and Van Hooft, whose study at first contains many valuable insights, provides the most unfortunate and distressing interpretation of the story. They conclude that Juliana is merely a test of the brothers' psychological development--a test that they fail. According to Keller and Van Hooft, the Nilsens live in a juvenile state of psychological indifferentiation which they must overcome "in order to attain heterosexual maturity" (314). The murder of Juliana, then, demonstrates that they have failed to develop "correctly" and have returned to "unconscious unity": "In a sense it is the fate of these brothers to be `yoked' to each other like oxen--they are melded. And just as oxen are altered studs, the brothers are not permitted entry into the mature heterosexuality of the adult world" (315). The critics' conclusion, with its inexcusable tone of heterosexist superiority, parrots the chauvinistic and unsupportable assumption in psychoanalysis that adult maturity is achieved through heterosexuality and that homosexuals must be stuck in a state of infantile immaturity.